Historical Context
Matas Janušauskas tells about working in the factory “Veltinis” in Kaunas during the Nazi occupation period and about the rescue of Jews
The original documents – Matas Janusauskas' memoirs about his work in the “Veltinis” factory and and the list of Jews working in this factory prepared and written by him are kept in his son’s – Dr. Raimond Janus private archive
This text is published from: "Whoever saves one life..."
The efforts to save Jews in Lithuania between 1941 and 1944,
compiled by Dalia Kuodytė and Rimantas Stankevičius
Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania 2006, psl. 77
During the German occupation I worked for the Textile Trust (in Kaunas) in the capacity of factory director.
This was a small factory set up in Bolshevik times, which at the beginning of the war had only ten workers and three clerks. There were plans to close it due to the shortage of raw materials, but the cold winter of 1941-1942 made the Germans change their mind. In early 1942 large orders were placed, and by instruction from the top, the factory was granted priority immediately after the arms industry. The Arbeitsamt (Employment Office ) procurement offices and other institutions received an instruction to give priority to the factory. After the question of labour had arisen, 40 Russian prisoners were sent to the factory in the spring of 1942. They arrived in a deplorable condition. Most could hardly stand, and they immediately ate all the grass from the yard, and although only a few of them were able to work, they were kept at the factory out of sheer compassion. After a little encouragement of the workers, I collected some food and we began to make lunch for them every day. Over a short time, they all recovered and became an exemplary labour force. However, due to a typhus epidemic in the winter of 1942-1943, the prisoners of war were not allowed to work. But under pressure from the top, more and more production was demanded ...
The Lithuanian workers, whose number had by now reached 40, and myself, did not want to support the Germans at all. Therefore, work progressed very slowly, the products would come out extremely badly, and so on. To justify this to management, I would always point to the shortage of skilled labour, the poor raw materials, and the like. Then an inspector from Germany, Georg Dimmel, was sent, who, after a short while, reorganised the labour, but arrived at the same conclusion that I had. Unable to get Russian prisoners of war again, Dimmel asked about Jews. The Arbeitsamt gave its prompt approval, and Dr. R., a representative of the ghetto Arbeitsamt, whom I had known for a little while before, arrived at the factory. The work conditions were rather harsh, but I promised to help the Jews as much as I could. Several days later, a group of 20 women arrived. It was headed by Dr. Zalmanas Grinbergas, a 30-year-old born in Siauliai. He had studied medicine and done his thesis at Zurich University. I had not met him before. Not knowing with whom I was dealing, at the beginning I was slightly reserved, but that lasted for a short time, the more so that Dimmel was a man of reasonable views who did not cause trouble or create any obstacles. After Dimmel's departure for Germany a couple of weeks later, we were left completely without restrictions. A black market was organised at our factory immediately, which was the only way of buying food for the Jews. Officially, it was all strictly prohibited, and I, as the person responsible, had instructions not to let Jews work with others in the same room, to talk together, and so on. However, after certain measures had been put in place so that we would not be taken unawares, I allowed free trade under controlled conditions. Another very important issue was meetings between Jews and the local population. Most had left their savings and valuable possessions in the town long before being driven into the ghetto. They would maintain contact with the Lithuanians who kept their belongings.
I always used to have the best and most accurate information about life in the ghetto. The Jews would hide nothing from me. For about half a year, life in the ghetto was normal, if such a life can be described as normal at all. However, towards the autumn, things began to turn. One day the ghetto was converted into a concentration camp. At the beginning it was just a change of name, but soon the true nature of a concentration camp became apparent. The appointment of a new commandant, SS Lieutenant Colonel Goecke, did not promise anything good, as among Jews he was known as a liquidator of ghettos. He immediately undertook various kinds of reform, but I will not speak about that, leaving it to the Jews themselves. I will only mention the issues which had a direct impact on the Jews who worked at the factory under my management.
One day I received an official letter saying that within a few days the Jewish group would be recalled. At that time all Jewish labour units employed outside the ghetto were being recalled. I applied to the top. However, no one helped me to rescue the Jews and to create humane work and living conditions for them, as everybody was afraid of having anything to do with the SD and the SS, upon whose orders the Jews were being withdrawn.
The withdrawal was a big blow to the Jews, because they would be isolated from the town, which would mean their slow starving to death. After a few meetings with Dr Grinbergas, I called on the ghetto Arbeitsamt and happened to find Goecke there. Through the same Dr R. as an interpreter, I demanded a reply to the question whether the Jews would really be taken away, as I had to know, due to the orders from the army and so on. Thinking it over for a while, Goecke answered that in a couple of days he would himself come to the factory to familiarise himself with the work and the place. That was already a major victory, as the very question of recalling the Jews from the factory had become debatable.
On the date set, I sent the Lithuanian workers home early, telling them to tidy up their work areas accordingly, to change things slightly, and so on, in a word, to get ready to welcome the guest. At the agreed time, a car drove into the factory yard, from which Goecke and his adjutant got out. After spending a good hour on the site and familiarising himself with the work quite thoroughly, Goecke must have gained a good impression of our "village Potemkin", as we later called it, and put to me a totally unexpected question on leaving: "How many labourers do you need now?" Grasping the point, I replied: "I need about 100 people for a full team." I had not expected it at all, and began to modify the answer by saying that the total labour capacity could not be fully utilised at the beginning, that I could develop labour only gradually, and so on. Then he changed his decision in my favour, so that I had the right to get up to 100 people on terms and conditions set by me. That exceeded all my expectations. The victory was complete. In fact, the Jews were only recalled elsewhere, with the exception of a few places, probably a total of about ten in the whole city, instead of the previous couple of hundred.
The original documents – Matas Janusauskas' memoirs about his work in the “Veltinis” factory and and the list of Jews working in this factory prepared and written by him are kept in his son’s – Dr. Raimond Janus private archive
This text is published from: "Whoever saves one life..."
The efforts to save Jews in Lithuania between 1941 and 1944,
compiled by Dalia Kuodytė and Rimantas Stankevičius
Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania 2006, psl. 77
During the German occupation I worked for the Textile Trust (in Kaunas) in the capacity of factory director.
This was a small factory set up in Bolshevik times, which at the beginning of the war had only ten workers and three clerks. There were plans to close it due to the shortage of raw materials, but the cold winter of 1941-1942 made the Germans change their mind. In early 1942 large orders were placed, and by instruction from the top, the factory was granted priority immediately after the arms industry. The Arbeitsamt (Employment Office ) procurement offices and other institutions received an instruction to give priority to the factory. After the question of labour had arisen, 40 Russian prisoners were sent to the factory in the spring of 1942. They arrived in a deplorable condition. Most could hardly stand, and they immediately ate all the grass from the yard, and although only a few of them were able to work, they were kept at the factory out of sheer compassion. After a little encouragement of the workers, I collected some food and we began to make lunch for them every day. Over a short time, they all recovered and became an exemplary labour force. However, due to a typhus epidemic in the winter of 1942-1943, the prisoners of war were not allowed to work. But under pressure from the top, more and more production was demanded ...
The Lithuanian workers, whose number had by now reached 40, and myself, did not want to support the Germans at all. Therefore, work progressed very slowly, the products would come out extremely badly, and so on. To justify this to management, I would always point to the shortage of skilled labour, the poor raw materials, and the like. Then an inspector from Germany, Georg Dimmel, was sent, who, after a short while, reorganised the labour, but arrived at the same conclusion that I had. Unable to get Russian prisoners of war again, Dimmel asked about Jews. The Arbeitsamt gave its prompt approval, and Dr. R., a representative of the ghetto Arbeitsamt, whom I had known for a little while before, arrived at the factory. The work conditions were rather harsh, but I promised to help the Jews as much as I could. Several days later, a group of 20 women arrived. It was headed by Dr. Zalmanas Grinbergas, a 30-year-old born in Siauliai. He had studied medicine and done his thesis at Zurich University. I had not met him before. Not knowing with whom I was dealing, at the beginning I was slightly reserved, but that lasted for a short time, the more so that Dimmel was a man of reasonable views who did not cause trouble or create any obstacles. After Dimmel's departure for Germany a couple of weeks later, we were left completely without restrictions. A black market was organised at our factory immediately, which was the only way of buying food for the Jews. Officially, it was all strictly prohibited, and I, as the person responsible, had instructions not to let Jews work with others in the same room, to talk together, and so on. However, after certain measures had been put in place so that we would not be taken unawares, I allowed free trade under controlled conditions. Another very important issue was meetings between Jews and the local population. Most had left their savings and valuable possessions in the town long before being driven into the ghetto. They would maintain contact with the Lithuanians who kept their belongings.
I always used to have the best and most accurate information about life in the ghetto. The Jews would hide nothing from me. For about half a year, life in the ghetto was normal, if such a life can be described as normal at all. However, towards the autumn, things began to turn. One day the ghetto was converted into a concentration camp. At the beginning it was just a change of name, but soon the true nature of a concentration camp became apparent. The appointment of a new commandant, SS Lieutenant Colonel Goecke, did not promise anything good, as among Jews he was known as a liquidator of ghettos. He immediately undertook various kinds of reform, but I will not speak about that, leaving it to the Jews themselves. I will only mention the issues which had a direct impact on the Jews who worked at the factory under my management.
One day I received an official letter saying that within a few days the Jewish group would be recalled. At that time all Jewish labour units employed outside the ghetto were being recalled. I applied to the top. However, no one helped me to rescue the Jews and to create humane work and living conditions for them, as everybody was afraid of having anything to do with the SD and the SS, upon whose orders the Jews were being withdrawn.
The withdrawal was a big blow to the Jews, because they would be isolated from the town, which would mean their slow starving to death. After a few meetings with Dr Grinbergas, I called on the ghetto Arbeitsamt and happened to find Goecke there. Through the same Dr R. as an interpreter, I demanded a reply to the question whether the Jews would really be taken away, as I had to know, due to the orders from the army and so on. Thinking it over for a while, Goecke answered that in a couple of days he would himself come to the factory to familiarise himself with the work and the place. That was already a major victory, as the very question of recalling the Jews from the factory had become debatable.
On the date set, I sent the Lithuanian workers home early, telling them to tidy up their work areas accordingly, to change things slightly, and so on, in a word, to get ready to welcome the guest. At the agreed time, a car drove into the factory yard, from which Goecke and his adjutant got out. After spending a good hour on the site and familiarising himself with the work quite thoroughly, Goecke must have gained a good impression of our "village Potemkin", as we later called it, and put to me a totally unexpected question on leaving: "How many labourers do you need now?" Grasping the point, I replied: "I need about 100 people for a full team." I had not expected it at all, and began to modify the answer by saying that the total labour capacity could not be fully utilised at the beginning, that I could develop labour only gradually, and so on. Then he changed his decision in my favour, so that I had the right to get up to 100 people on terms and conditions set by me. That exceeded all my expectations. The victory was complete. In fact, the Jews were only recalled elsewhere, with the exception of a few places, probably a total of about ten in the whole city, instead of the previous couple of hundred.
In October 1943, I believe, the ghetto received the news that in Siauliai the so-called "children's action" had been conducted: the Jewish children had been brutally rounded up and taken away into the unknown, to Auschwitz as it turned out later. Panic broke out in the ghetto, and everybody began to look for ways of hiding their children in safe places. The factory became a centre for meetings: not only would people meet there the Lithuanians they knew, but also complete strangers used to come who wanted to meet free citizens of the town. This way a good number of children were rescued.
I myself, after asking the advice of my family, on a dark November evening went to the barbed-wire fence of the ghetto to fetch the two- and-a-half-year-old son of Dr. Grinbergas. Moreover, I personally helped a number of people to establish contact. I would make phone calls, go there in person, search through my own reliable acquaintances, and by other ways look for people who could help the Jews. My office, not to mention other more secluded places in the factory, was accessible to anyone who wanted to talk freely.
At Christmas in 1943 some prisoners from the Ninth Fort who had to dig up and burn the corpses of the Jews killed there in 1941, escaped. One of the escapees hid in the factory the whole day. Only Dr. Grinbergas knew about him, and warned me that if by chance the Gestapo tracked him down, I should know what to do. According to him, in the evening the man left for Moscow. I have not heard about him since.
In early 1944, Ernst Hofmann was suddenly appointed to the factory as a technical manager. Special precautions had to be taken again, as he said from the very first day that he hated Jews. It was very difficult for me, because I managed to identify at the factory a few people who had been recruited by the Gestapo. Hofmann was a really awful person. I found out that he had been a private in the SA, and probably later joined the SS only to get rich. He dreamed constantly of victory, of how he would then reorganise the factory, how much he would be able to earn, and so on. He sometimes talked about it as a fait accompli. We used to laugh about it a lot in private. He knew that the only way of becoming wealthy was through the greatest possible exploitation of the Jews. He immediately set about abusing Jews for his own benefit: he would order them to give him food daily, which cost no less than 100 RM per day, to sort out his private quarters, deliver curtains, pictures, and so on. In his turn, Hofmann made no concessions towards the Jews, but would pressure them relentlessly, introducing larger and larger labour quotas.
March 1944 ended with the "action" of the ghetto children. As the factory was near the ghetto, we could see and hear well what was happening. Our German turned up at the factory. Pulling out his pistol, he ran throughout the factory, making the people work twice as hard, threatening to shoot them on the spot, and otherwise terrorised the crying mothers and fathers.
Not all children fell into the hands of the brownshirts. Some succeeded in hiding. Again, searches began of places where it might be possible to hide children for a long period. This time, it was even worse because every move was scrutinised and people were terror-stricken by the searching eye of the Germans. However, a number of Jewish children were rescued. Again there was a lot of telephoning and running about. The Jews themselves could already see that the end of the war was approaching, so many made a special effort to hide. A number succeeded in leaving, with the help of my factory. I personally assisted several people. With the beginning of the Allied landings in France, I would go home every day to listen to the radio in secret and, writing down the news, I would bring it to the ghetto.
I tried to do all this secretly, usually by myself, so that if I was caught I would not cause any trouble to others. Therefore, I often did not even know who I was talking to. For example, I would make a phone call to the German General Commissariat itself, and convey the regards of a Zose to a Petras, and would say a couple of totally innocuous sentences, which, of course, were a secret code. Usually I would not even know who the people were and what the sentences meant, nor would I try to find out. I must note that the Jews were very good conspirators.
I was known among the Jews as an absolutely reliable person. Here are a few examples.
As I was standing one day in the factory yard, the guard let a young man in and pointed to me. The man approached me and asked, "Are you Director X?" and handed me a letter, only after I replied "Yes", and said, "The priest is sending you a personal letter." I must confess that I did not know any priest in the city, but the letter had my full name and exact address. Without opening it, I gave it to Dr. Grinbergas. As far as I remember, this was very important news from a Jew who was in hiding, if I am not mistaken, with the Jesuits.The letter was addressed to the Council of Elders in the ghetto.
One day the Jews received quite a lot of meat at the factory. This came to Hofmann's notice, who said he would go to the ghetto to find out about the conditions. After his departure, half an hour later, the telephone rang and someone asked for me. A female voice said that when returning the Jews would be searched, because someone had reported them. It turned out that the caller was a ghetto employee, and the informer was Hofmann himself.
When going to Germany, I took Dr Grinbergas' son with me, and, finding the father there by chance, returned the child to him.
As I provided assistance without any material interest, now when meeting those survivors whom I managed to help, I feel a great moral satisfaction.
In conclusion, I would like to note that I have intentionally mentioned only Dr Grinbergas throughout this story; I have disguised the other names that I remember, Jewish and Lithuanian, on purpose, in order to prevent them from falling into the wrong hands. Dr. Grinbergas is currently in Palestine, and he has promised to write his memoirs of the ghetto, in which a significant place will be devoted to the small factory under my management. Some of the other Jewish survivors are in Palestine, some are in North America, and quite a lot are also in Bavaria. They could also say much about my factory, which was well known to them ...
I myself, after asking the advice of my family, on a dark November evening went to the barbed-wire fence of the ghetto to fetch the two- and-a-half-year-old son of Dr. Grinbergas. Moreover, I personally helped a number of people to establish contact. I would make phone calls, go there in person, search through my own reliable acquaintances, and by other ways look for people who could help the Jews. My office, not to mention other more secluded places in the factory, was accessible to anyone who wanted to talk freely.
At Christmas in 1943 some prisoners from the Ninth Fort who had to dig up and burn the corpses of the Jews killed there in 1941, escaped. One of the escapees hid in the factory the whole day. Only Dr. Grinbergas knew about him, and warned me that if by chance the Gestapo tracked him down, I should know what to do. According to him, in the evening the man left for Moscow. I have not heard about him since.
In early 1944, Ernst Hofmann was suddenly appointed to the factory as a technical manager. Special precautions had to be taken again, as he said from the very first day that he hated Jews. It was very difficult for me, because I managed to identify at the factory a few people who had been recruited by the Gestapo. Hofmann was a really awful person. I found out that he had been a private in the SA, and probably later joined the SS only to get rich. He dreamed constantly of victory, of how he would then reorganise the factory, how much he would be able to earn, and so on. He sometimes talked about it as a fait accompli. We used to laugh about it a lot in private. He knew that the only way of becoming wealthy was through the greatest possible exploitation of the Jews. He immediately set about abusing Jews for his own benefit: he would order them to give him food daily, which cost no less than 100 RM per day, to sort out his private quarters, deliver curtains, pictures, and so on. In his turn, Hofmann made no concessions towards the Jews, but would pressure them relentlessly, introducing larger and larger labour quotas.
March 1944 ended with the "action" of the ghetto children. As the factory was near the ghetto, we could see and hear well what was happening. Our German turned up at the factory. Pulling out his pistol, he ran throughout the factory, making the people work twice as hard, threatening to shoot them on the spot, and otherwise terrorised the crying mothers and fathers.
Not all children fell into the hands of the brownshirts. Some succeeded in hiding. Again, searches began of places where it might be possible to hide children for a long period. This time, it was even worse because every move was scrutinised and people were terror-stricken by the searching eye of the Germans. However, a number of Jewish children were rescued. Again there was a lot of telephoning and running about. The Jews themselves could already see that the end of the war was approaching, so many made a special effort to hide. A number succeeded in leaving, with the help of my factory. I personally assisted several people. With the beginning of the Allied landings in France, I would go home every day to listen to the radio in secret and, writing down the news, I would bring it to the ghetto.
I tried to do all this secretly, usually by myself, so that if I was caught I would not cause any trouble to others. Therefore, I often did not even know who I was talking to. For example, I would make a phone call to the German General Commissariat itself, and convey the regards of a Zose to a Petras, and would say a couple of totally innocuous sentences, which, of course, were a secret code. Usually I would not even know who the people were and what the sentences meant, nor would I try to find out. I must note that the Jews were very good conspirators.
I was known among the Jews as an absolutely reliable person. Here are a few examples.
As I was standing one day in the factory yard, the guard let a young man in and pointed to me. The man approached me and asked, "Are you Director X?" and handed me a letter, only after I replied "Yes", and said, "The priest is sending you a personal letter." I must confess that I did not know any priest in the city, but the letter had my full name and exact address. Without opening it, I gave it to Dr. Grinbergas. As far as I remember, this was very important news from a Jew who was in hiding, if I am not mistaken, with the Jesuits.The letter was addressed to the Council of Elders in the ghetto.
One day the Jews received quite a lot of meat at the factory. This came to Hofmann's notice, who said he would go to the ghetto to find out about the conditions. After his departure, half an hour later, the telephone rang and someone asked for me. A female voice said that when returning the Jews would be searched, because someone had reported them. It turned out that the caller was a ghetto employee, and the informer was Hofmann himself.
When going to Germany, I took Dr Grinbergas' son with me, and, finding the father there by chance, returned the child to him.
As I provided assistance without any material interest, now when meeting those survivors whom I managed to help, I feel a great moral satisfaction.
In conclusion, I would like to note that I have intentionally mentioned only Dr Grinbergas throughout this story; I have disguised the other names that I remember, Jewish and Lithuanian, on purpose, in order to prevent them from falling into the wrong hands. Dr. Grinbergas is currently in Palestine, and he has promised to write his memoirs of the ghetto, in which a significant place will be devoted to the small factory under my management. Some of the other Jewish survivors are in Palestine, some are in North America, and quite a lot are also in Bavaria. They could also say much about my factory, which was well known to them ...
Matas Janušauskas
Persons which worked at FILZFABRIK (“VELTINIS”) and survived HOLOCAUST
From: Dr. Raymond Janus' personal archive
*Dr. Z. Grinberg, leader of group. After liberation been in charge of D. P. Hospital at St.Ottilien, near Landsberg, and President of Liberated Jews in Germany. Emigrated to Israel where he been director of Beilinson Hospital. Later emigrated to U.S.A.
Mrs. E. Grinberg his wife. Their son Immanuel saved. Died in Israel.
Mrs. T. Rapeika sister of Dr. Grinberg, emigrated to Israel. They had a daughter Miriam, b. 7.5.46 Mr. S. Rapeika, her husband (student in rabbinical college)
Mr. J. Atlas, teacher. Emigrated to Canada-Calgary (?)
Mrs. R. Atlas his wife. Daughter Bracha saved. Son perished in KZ.
Mr. Kaplan teacher
Mrs. Kaplan his wife. Daughter saved.
Miss Bermen, clerk in Bank of Lithuania, saved by Commissionaire Mr. J. Paknys.
Mr. Bukanz. Clerk. His son Mike saved by his elder brothers mistress. (In U.S.A) Miss S. Baron. Her father perished in “archive” action. Mother (dentist) saved.
Mrs. Klein perished in KZ. Her daughter saved.
Mrs. Bella (nee) Frenkel. Child saved.
*Mrs. Mira…? She ask me to help to renew contact with friends. Daughter saved. *Mrs. E. Shereshewski. Left ghetto with two sons. Betrayed, sons perished. Escaped.
Mr. Rosenkranz, active MACABI member in Kaunas. In Israel ? Mr. Rosenzweig. Teacher-artist painter.*Mr. Zllberman escape on last day of work. Later (in 1946?) been in Germany.
*Mr. Schabel very active at factory. Denounce by gatekeeper. Shot by Gestapo. *Mr. Wulf Frenkel older man. Member of high society. Perished in KZ.
Mr. Mogilevski, older man. Part owner of pharmaceutical co. Perished in KZ.
Mrs …nee Kagan. Previous owner of factory. Perished in KZ.
Persons marked with an asterisk are separate mentioned with more facts.
Exceptional dramatical surviving of Mrs. E Shereshevski Ph.D. after escaping two time from ghetto and joining her husband in U.S.A.
Spelling of some names could be incorrect. Also present places of living.
Additional Information about survived people, mentioned in general list:
Mr. I. Bukanz entrusted his son Mike to his elder brother mistress, which took boy to Germany as her own son. Boy very soon forgot his mother, who perished in KZ in Germany. Bukanz survive and located son with step-mother. The boy and step-mother was so close, that for boys sake Burkanz has married her. His rich relatives in USA demand that should divorce her and pay her any price, which they will provide. Further solution is unknown to me.
Mrs. Mira ask me for help. At school she has had a very good friend, daughter of local State Bank manager. Matter was about saving her baby daughter. Personally I never meet this man, but with help of my friends I located him and during our conversation on the phone, I “blackmailed” to come with his daughter to my office. In couple of days they come, meet Mira in my office and baby was saved.
Mr. Zilberman escaped from factory on last day of work. Few days he spend in forest and happily survived till Red Army pushed out Germans. He been as a director of tobacco factory. In 1946 he come to Germany and find possibility to see me.
Additional Information about people mentioned in general list. (Dead):
Mr. Shabel come to factory together with Dr. Z. Grinberg. He was from same town where I have been at high school and he known very well my father. I assign him as helper to the factory coachman. Nearly every day they need to bring in coal, wool and other goods and he has good opportunity to provide food for the Jews. Then me and wife went to ghetto fence it was Shabel who handed to us Dr. Z. Grinberg 2 ½ years old son. In general he was very active man. One day a Lithuanian soldier ask gatekeeper to call Shabel to the gate. Gatekeeper demanded 10 marks for his service. Soldier refused and noticing Shabel on the yard call him to the fence for a short talk. Gatekeeper reported to Gestapo that Shabel is buying arms from the soldier. Gestapo arrested and shot him. At this time I have been away on factory business.
Mr. Wulf Frenkel been a member of high society, well known and respected. His wealth has declined but his brains was very active and he adapted himself to present conditions and till the end he was very optimistic. His age has been the biggest handicap and he perished in KZ in German.
Mr. … Mogilevski been part owner of a pharmaceutical wholesale company. He been handicapped as same as Mr. Frenkel and perished in KZ in Germany.
Mrs. …(nee) Kagan was previous factory owner, before nationalization by Soviet Government in 1940. Old-timers told me that she was very kind to workers. She perished in KZ in Germany. Her brother Dr. Kagan emigrated to USA.
Persons which worked at FILZFABRIK (“VELTINIS”) and survived HOLOCAUST
From: Dr. Raymond Janus' personal archive
*Dr. Z. Grinberg, leader of group. After liberation been in charge of D. P. Hospital at St.Ottilien, near Landsberg, and President of Liberated Jews in Germany. Emigrated to Israel where he been director of Beilinson Hospital. Later emigrated to U.S.A.
Mrs. E. Grinberg his wife. Their son Immanuel saved. Died in Israel.
Mrs. T. Rapeika sister of Dr. Grinberg, emigrated to Israel. They had a daughter Miriam, b. 7.5.46 Mr. S. Rapeika, her husband (student in rabbinical college)
Mr. J. Atlas, teacher. Emigrated to Canada-Calgary (?)
Mrs. R. Atlas his wife. Daughter Bracha saved. Son perished in KZ.
Mr. Kaplan teacher
Mrs. Kaplan his wife. Daughter saved.
Miss Bermen, clerk in Bank of Lithuania, saved by Commissionaire Mr. J. Paknys.
Mr. Bukanz. Clerk. His son Mike saved by his elder brothers mistress. (In U.S.A) Miss S. Baron. Her father perished in “archive” action. Mother (dentist) saved.
Mrs. Klein perished in KZ. Her daughter saved.
Mrs. Bella (nee) Frenkel. Child saved.
*Mrs. Mira…? She ask me to help to renew contact with friends. Daughter saved. *Mrs. E. Shereshewski. Left ghetto with two sons. Betrayed, sons perished. Escaped.
Mr. Rosenkranz, active MACABI member in Kaunas. In Israel ? Mr. Rosenzweig. Teacher-artist painter.*Mr. Zllberman escape on last day of work. Later (in 1946?) been in Germany.
*Mr. Schabel very active at factory. Denounce by gatekeeper. Shot by Gestapo. *Mr. Wulf Frenkel older man. Member of high society. Perished in KZ.
Mr. Mogilevski, older man. Part owner of pharmaceutical co. Perished in KZ.
Mrs …nee Kagan. Previous owner of factory. Perished in KZ.
Persons marked with an asterisk are separate mentioned with more facts.
Exceptional dramatical surviving of Mrs. E Shereshevski Ph.D. after escaping two time from ghetto and joining her husband in U.S.A.
Spelling of some names could be incorrect. Also present places of living.
Additional Information about survived people, mentioned in general list:
Mr. I. Bukanz entrusted his son Mike to his elder brother mistress, which took boy to Germany as her own son. Boy very soon forgot his mother, who perished in KZ in Germany. Bukanz survive and located son with step-mother. The boy and step-mother was so close, that for boys sake Burkanz has married her. His rich relatives in USA demand that should divorce her and pay her any price, which they will provide. Further solution is unknown to me.
Mrs. Mira ask me for help. At school she has had a very good friend, daughter of local State Bank manager. Matter was about saving her baby daughter. Personally I never meet this man, but with help of my friends I located him and during our conversation on the phone, I “blackmailed” to come with his daughter to my office. In couple of days they come, meet Mira in my office and baby was saved.
Mr. Zilberman escaped from factory on last day of work. Few days he spend in forest and happily survived till Red Army pushed out Germans. He been as a director of tobacco factory. In 1946 he come to Germany and find possibility to see me.
Additional Information about people mentioned in general list. (Dead):
Mr. Shabel come to factory together with Dr. Z. Grinberg. He was from same town where I have been at high school and he known very well my father. I assign him as helper to the factory coachman. Nearly every day they need to bring in coal, wool and other goods and he has good opportunity to provide food for the Jews. Then me and wife went to ghetto fence it was Shabel who handed to us Dr. Z. Grinberg 2 ½ years old son. In general he was very active man. One day a Lithuanian soldier ask gatekeeper to call Shabel to the gate. Gatekeeper demanded 10 marks for his service. Soldier refused and noticing Shabel on the yard call him to the fence for a short talk. Gatekeeper reported to Gestapo that Shabel is buying arms from the soldier. Gestapo arrested and shot him. At this time I have been away on factory business.
Mr. Wulf Frenkel been a member of high society, well known and respected. His wealth has declined but his brains was very active and he adapted himself to present conditions and till the end he was very optimistic. His age has been the biggest handicap and he perished in KZ in German.
Mr. … Mogilevski been part owner of a pharmaceutical wholesale company. He been handicapped as same as Mr. Frenkel and perished in KZ in Germany.
Mrs. …(nee) Kagan was previous factory owner, before nationalization by Soviet Government in 1940. Old-timers told me that she was very kind to workers. She perished in KZ in Germany. Her brother Dr. Kagan emigrated to USA.
Matas Janušauskas
The fate of another Jewish family:
From: "Whoever saves one life..."
The efforts to save Jews in Lithuania between 1941 and 1944,
compiled by Dalia Kuodytė and Rimantas Stankevičius
Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania 2006, psl. 77
Chijena Seresevskiene came to my factory as an ordinary worker, a member of the Jewish labour group. She was a doctor of humanities from Jena University, and the owner of a knitwear factory called Beja. Her husband had gone to England just before the war and had got stranded there, while she was managing the plant and raising her two sons on her own. In the Bolshevik period of 1940-1941 she was put in prison as a former factory owner, and was only freed thanks to her good connections shortly before the famous deportations to Siberia of 13-17 June 1941. Warned by her friends, and wishing to avoid deportation, she hid in a remote place in eastern Lithuania. When the war broke out she found herself in Byelorussia, from where she later returned with various adventures to recount to the children
she had left.
In the autumn of 1943, after the "Children's action" in Siauliai, Seresevskiene decided to hide, to go to a malina (a hiding place) to use the ghetto slang. At that time she worked as a typist at my factory, which was officially forbidden by the Germans, as the Jews were supposed to do only hard physical labour. She began to ask for assistance for her children. I advised her to make contact with one of my old acquaintances. After a long deliberation, we chose Professor Jonas Simkus, may his memory live long. He was ill then, and had been in bed for a long time, but he sent a relative, an engineer called S., who met Seresevskiene several times in my office and discussed the whole issue thoroughly. S., with the assistance of his brother, a priest (I think a Jesuit), provided her with a malina in the Rumsiskes district. She was to live there with forged documents. I knew the whole plan well, as I had discussed it with her many times and would give her moral support, advice and whatever else was necessary. All contacts were maintained through me, or else I would send a reliable person "on personal business". Before her departure, Seresevskiene left some of her more valuable possessions with my guards. She stayed in the malina with her children for three or four months. One day I heard that the Gestapo had found and arrested her and the children. I was greatly upset, because I knew that the Gestapo shot, without hesitation all Jews arrested hiding with Lithuanian families; while the latter were arrested and sent to concentration camps in Germany, all their property confiscated and transferred to the ownership of the Germans. However, a few days later, Seresevskiene was released and returned to the ghetto, it seems for 5,000 RM. Such a low sum aroused my suspicions, especially since her two children had also been freed.
Several days later, Seresevskiene visited me with the Jewish ghetto labour force. The story of her arrest and of that of her children, which she told me, and the story told by others, tallied. Those people could not have suspected that I had contributed to hiding her. Therefore, the entire story of the arrest was totally believable to me. The story
itself goes like this.
One evening the house where Seresevskiene and her children were in hiding was visited by an SS patrol looking for partisans who were operating quite actively in the area. They checked the documents of all the residents, did not find anything suspicious and were about to
leave. However, a Ukrainian, who had been a Russian prisoner of war, and who was with the German SS police, suddenly had a suspicion that Seresevskiene was a Jewess. He went to the bed where her two sons were sleeping, inspected them thoroughly, and called the Germans over immediately. They took Seresevskiene and her children away with them, and turned them over to the Gestapo. There she succeeded in ransoming herself quite cheaply. The Lithuanian helper was also arrested by the Gestapo and kept in prison for a long time, but somehow he too managed to escape any worse misfortune. The priest who had given Seresevskiene refuge under the name of his sister-in-law went through a long and difficult period of hiding. I knew him well, because several times S. sent him to me dressed as a civilian to discuss the issue of Seresevskiene.
My suspicions about the low price for Seresevskiene's ransom soon proved to be true. In less than two weeks, the Germans again conducted a new "children's action" and took both her sons away to be killed. This terrible misfortune had a tremendous impact on the mother, and sometimes she seemed to be mentally disturbed. Unable to find peace, she considered leaving the ghetto again, but at the same time she was afraid. She began to seek my advice. We arrived at the same conclusion, that the best thing for her to do would be to leave for Germany as a labourer from the east. At that time, the Germans would take by force a lot of the Ost-Arbeiter (Eastern labourers) to take them to armaments factories, and would find volunteers very easily. Seresevskiene spoke perfect German, and so it was not too difficult for her to be included with the Nazis' other slaves. All that was missing were Aryan (non-Jewish) identification papers. We again engaged S., the documents were obtained, and Seresevskiene left the ghetto. She spent a few nights with my family, but her permanent place of residence for a while was in Didzioji gatve. My wife used to take her possessions and letters there.
Around May 1944, Seresevskiene mysteriously disappeared from our world.
I got a message that she had left the ghetto. I did not hear anything about her falling into the hands of the Gestapo. This meant that our plan must have succeeded. I have to note that we had an excellent grapevine in the Gestapo. Nothing disappeared into the unknown. I
received detailed information that Seresevskiene was to go to Vienna. She refused to go to Saxony, because quite a lot of Lithuanian workers had already been taken there, which might not be safe for her.
With the ups and downs in the course of the war, we eventually also found ourselves in various remote corners of Austria. I would often joke to my wife that we might meet Seresevskiene somewhere. The war came to an end. I met a handful of Lithuanian Jews, but noone knew anything about her. Suddenly one day I was called to the telephone. I heard the following words: "This is Seresevskiene, calling from Landsberg ..." That was 15 kilometres away from where we lived. The surprise was indescribable. The next morning she came personally to see my family. She told us her whole story. We learned that she had reached Vienna safely, and stayed in a factory there until the Russians arrived. While working at the factory, she had been reported to the Gestapo by a Russian worker, but it seems that the Gestapo had not believed it and had only asked the factory director for his opinion. The latter had not known anything about Seresevskiene, had not suspected her of being a Jewess, and defended her vigorously. After the arrival of the Russians, she had worked as an interpreter at the commandant's headquarters. She located her husband, who had fled from England to North America during the war and lived in Worcester, Massachusetts. Later she had left Vienna for Landsberg, from where she intended to go to Nuremberg, to the trials, to ask Rosenberg where he had sent her two sons ... I tried to put her off this. Although she had survived apparently sound, she discussed the question of her children like an insane person. Shortly after that, she went to join her husband in the USA, and I have not heard about her since. I know her address though.
I must note that Dr Seresevskiene is the lawyer Levitanas' sister, Levitanaite. Levitanas survived and now lives in Paris. She left for Vienna with the help of a Lithuanian woman. Later that woman also lived in Vienna and moved to Bavaria just before the arrival of the Russians, and currently lives somewhere near Regensburg. That woman helped Seresevskiene find her husband.
The fate of another Jewish family:
From: "Whoever saves one life..."
The efforts to save Jews in Lithuania between 1941 and 1944,
compiled by Dalia Kuodytė and Rimantas Stankevičius
Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania 2006, psl. 77
Chijena Seresevskiene came to my factory as an ordinary worker, a member of the Jewish labour group. She was a doctor of humanities from Jena University, and the owner of a knitwear factory called Beja. Her husband had gone to England just before the war and had got stranded there, while she was managing the plant and raising her two sons on her own. In the Bolshevik period of 1940-1941 she was put in prison as a former factory owner, and was only freed thanks to her good connections shortly before the famous deportations to Siberia of 13-17 June 1941. Warned by her friends, and wishing to avoid deportation, she hid in a remote place in eastern Lithuania. When the war broke out she found herself in Byelorussia, from where she later returned with various adventures to recount to the children
she had left.
In the autumn of 1943, after the "Children's action" in Siauliai, Seresevskiene decided to hide, to go to a malina (a hiding place) to use the ghetto slang. At that time she worked as a typist at my factory, which was officially forbidden by the Germans, as the Jews were supposed to do only hard physical labour. She began to ask for assistance for her children. I advised her to make contact with one of my old acquaintances. After a long deliberation, we chose Professor Jonas Simkus, may his memory live long. He was ill then, and had been in bed for a long time, but he sent a relative, an engineer called S., who met Seresevskiene several times in my office and discussed the whole issue thoroughly. S., with the assistance of his brother, a priest (I think a Jesuit), provided her with a malina in the Rumsiskes district. She was to live there with forged documents. I knew the whole plan well, as I had discussed it with her many times and would give her moral support, advice and whatever else was necessary. All contacts were maintained through me, or else I would send a reliable person "on personal business". Before her departure, Seresevskiene left some of her more valuable possessions with my guards. She stayed in the malina with her children for three or four months. One day I heard that the Gestapo had found and arrested her and the children. I was greatly upset, because I knew that the Gestapo shot, without hesitation all Jews arrested hiding with Lithuanian families; while the latter were arrested and sent to concentration camps in Germany, all their property confiscated and transferred to the ownership of the Germans. However, a few days later, Seresevskiene was released and returned to the ghetto, it seems for 5,000 RM. Such a low sum aroused my suspicions, especially since her two children had also been freed.
Several days later, Seresevskiene visited me with the Jewish ghetto labour force. The story of her arrest and of that of her children, which she told me, and the story told by others, tallied. Those people could not have suspected that I had contributed to hiding her. Therefore, the entire story of the arrest was totally believable to me. The story
itself goes like this.
One evening the house where Seresevskiene and her children were in hiding was visited by an SS patrol looking for partisans who were operating quite actively in the area. They checked the documents of all the residents, did not find anything suspicious and were about to
leave. However, a Ukrainian, who had been a Russian prisoner of war, and who was with the German SS police, suddenly had a suspicion that Seresevskiene was a Jewess. He went to the bed where her two sons were sleeping, inspected them thoroughly, and called the Germans over immediately. They took Seresevskiene and her children away with them, and turned them over to the Gestapo. There she succeeded in ransoming herself quite cheaply. The Lithuanian helper was also arrested by the Gestapo and kept in prison for a long time, but somehow he too managed to escape any worse misfortune. The priest who had given Seresevskiene refuge under the name of his sister-in-law went through a long and difficult period of hiding. I knew him well, because several times S. sent him to me dressed as a civilian to discuss the issue of Seresevskiene.
My suspicions about the low price for Seresevskiene's ransom soon proved to be true. In less than two weeks, the Germans again conducted a new "children's action" and took both her sons away to be killed. This terrible misfortune had a tremendous impact on the mother, and sometimes she seemed to be mentally disturbed. Unable to find peace, she considered leaving the ghetto again, but at the same time she was afraid. She began to seek my advice. We arrived at the same conclusion, that the best thing for her to do would be to leave for Germany as a labourer from the east. At that time, the Germans would take by force a lot of the Ost-Arbeiter (Eastern labourers) to take them to armaments factories, and would find volunteers very easily. Seresevskiene spoke perfect German, and so it was not too difficult for her to be included with the Nazis' other slaves. All that was missing were Aryan (non-Jewish) identification papers. We again engaged S., the documents were obtained, and Seresevskiene left the ghetto. She spent a few nights with my family, but her permanent place of residence for a while was in Didzioji gatve. My wife used to take her possessions and letters there.
Around May 1944, Seresevskiene mysteriously disappeared from our world.
I got a message that she had left the ghetto. I did not hear anything about her falling into the hands of the Gestapo. This meant that our plan must have succeeded. I have to note that we had an excellent grapevine in the Gestapo. Nothing disappeared into the unknown. I
received detailed information that Seresevskiene was to go to Vienna. She refused to go to Saxony, because quite a lot of Lithuanian workers had already been taken there, which might not be safe for her.
With the ups and downs in the course of the war, we eventually also found ourselves in various remote corners of Austria. I would often joke to my wife that we might meet Seresevskiene somewhere. The war came to an end. I met a handful of Lithuanian Jews, but noone knew anything about her. Suddenly one day I was called to the telephone. I heard the following words: "This is Seresevskiene, calling from Landsberg ..." That was 15 kilometres away from where we lived. The surprise was indescribable. The next morning she came personally to see my family. She told us her whole story. We learned that she had reached Vienna safely, and stayed in a factory there until the Russians arrived. While working at the factory, she had been reported to the Gestapo by a Russian worker, but it seems that the Gestapo had not believed it and had only asked the factory director for his opinion. The latter had not known anything about Seresevskiene, had not suspected her of being a Jewess, and defended her vigorously. After the arrival of the Russians, she had worked as an interpreter at the commandant's headquarters. She located her husband, who had fled from England to North America during the war and lived in Worcester, Massachusetts. Later she had left Vienna for Landsberg, from where she intended to go to Nuremberg, to the trials, to ask Rosenberg where he had sent her two sons ... I tried to put her off this. Although she had survived apparently sound, she discussed the question of her children like an insane person. Shortly after that, she went to join her husband in the USA, and I have not heard about her since. I know her address though.
I must note that Dr Seresevskiene is the lawyer Levitanas' sister, Levitanaite. Levitanas survived and now lives in Paris. She left for Vienna with the help of a Lithuanian woman. Later that woman also lived in Vienna and moved to Bavaria just before the arrival of the Russians, and currently lives somewhere near Regensburg. That woman helped Seresevskiene find her husband.